CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of study.
Nigeria is a multi ethnic nation with diverse cultural groups that are about four hundred in number. Rather than harnessing our diversities towards national development, we have become slaves to our ethnic origins to which our allegiances are largely focused at the detriment of national building. (Otite 1976)
Fantastic ethnic consciousness has resulted into ethnic prejudice and mistrust, political and leadership conflicts, religious and socio-cultural conflicts. These vices have pervaded all sphere of life in Nigeria, be it employment, education, association, religion and admission into federal institutions. (Obasanjo.O.2004)
Today in most countries of the world like Nigeria, there are pathological feelings of hopelessness, helplessness and frustration as well as agitation among the people especially among the elders, which are caused by conflict between one individual and the other over who will take the leadership. This is as a result of ethnic sentiments among the people in the society.
As a multi-ethnic society, one of the sociological problems of building Nigeria as a nation according to E. V. Edo (2000), is ethnicity with its commitments such as multi-lingual and competitive ethnicity. Prior to the coming of Europeans in Nigeria, the indigenous Nigerian societies were not static and they were not in equilibrium relation. There were varieties of links which existed before the various states and peoples which were the predecessors of modern Nigeria (Hodkins 1960).
There have been cases of multi-ethnic vices such as allegiance to ethnic group, intra-cultural and inter-ethnic antagonism in the hostility, aggression, bitterness, hatred, and mistrust in the country which have not agued well for the building of a virile Nigerian nation.
Almost invariably minority group problems and others related to them in Nigeria are assumed to have their roots in “ethnicity”. Both concept ethnicity and minority according to Inya (1996) are seen to be inseparable.
In most recent years, there has been unimaginable rate of conflicts in Nigeria and the threats of others. People have been easily mobilized into confronting the other and the workers, civil society and the youths have been easily called together to confront one set of people, policy and activities or other. The process and plan towards achieving success in these confrontations have even taken upper position in the minds of our leaders. Position of political leaders of various groups in Africa and their preparedness to initiate or respond to conflicts even in both verbal (oral) confrontations justifies the above position.In fact, this has been widespread that you will hardly think of any region, ethnic group or organization that is not at anytime structuring its mind towards having an advantage over the group or people and the other group poised to stop them. Just like what happen in other sister African countries, as Nwanegbo (2005) puts it, it has been predominantly tussle for leadership and or resilience against subjection. For instance, Tokyo/NURTW of Ibadan leadership conflict, the Aguleri-Igwe autonomous leadership conflict of Anambra State, Olubadan/Alafin of Oyo leadership controversy, the tell-tale sign of ethnic/leadership conflict is evident everywhere. But sadly, over the past decades in Nigeria, there has been an upsurge in leadership conflict among the people, disagreement and division had become the home of the society. Whichever reason we prefer for the prevalence of ethnic conflict in the society, one thing is very certain, ethnic conflict is an illumined that has not blown the country any good. Therefore, the major thrust of this research is to investigate the strength of ethnicity in leadership selection. We shall go about this by using the Ezendigbo leadership conflict as a case study.
1.2. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Every research or inquiry is usually an attempt to find underlying cause of a problem and probably to equally proffer solutions to the identified problem. This work will not depart from this norm.
Several literatures are replete with accounts of leadership conflict and ethnicity. Some of these literatures equally feel that acceptance and rejection on linguistic and cultural groups are expressed inevitably through ethnicity.
These literatures however do not adequately address the fact that ethnicity can even take place within the groups that speak the same language and share the culture together even at the level of leadership selection.
This study is therefore an attempt to fill this gap in the literature, by looking at the strength of ethnicity in leadership selection.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF STUDY
This study shall therefore have the following objectives.
- Find out whether there is ethnic sentiment in leadership selection.
- Establish whether shadow party has influence in ethnic conflict
- Investigate properly if ethnic agitation can be found among brotherhood,
- If political contests are framed in ethnic term.
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1. Is there ethnic sentiment in leadership selection?
2. Does a shadow party have influence on ethnic conflict?
3. Can ethnic agitation be found among brotherhood?
4. Can political contest be framed in ethnic term?
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY
This study will be useful to both scholars, leaders of the various societies and peace practitioners.
To scholars, it will add to the existing literature on ethnicity in Nigeria and would equally be an advance on its present standard. Somehow, the study would have added something to human knowledge and may equally provoke arguments and thoughts that would elicit further interest and research.
The benefit of the work to various leaders and peace practitioners will lie in its definition and articulation of strength of ethnicity and its compelling argument that leadership selection takes ethnic dimension. It is hoped that if our leaders understand this, and decide henceforth, the nation will be better off. This way, the study would have achieved its main objective by contributing towards curbing ethnic sentiment in Nigeria.
1.6 SCOPE OF STUDY
The scope covers the Igbo’s that are living in Ibadan, Oyo State comprising the five states that make up the South East. The states are Anambra, Abia, Enugu, Ebonyi, Imo and some Igbo speaking part of Delta state. Now, with the conflict the Igbos that are living in Ibadan have splitted into three different umbrellas with each of these groups under the leadership of three different personalities. They are Igbo general assembly (IGA), Igbo community development association (ICDA), and Igbo community development union (ICDU).
The time covers 1992-2011, which are the years this conflict has lingered.
1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Instrumentalist Theory
The proponents of instrumentalist theory of ethnicity (include Horowitz) directed our attention on the goals of the ethnic groups rather than the origins. Instrumentalists believe ethnicity is changeable. It is not a characteristic acquired at birth and consistent overtime.
Moreover, instrumentalist stated that ethnic identities may be important at some times and in some circumstances and completely absent at other times.
The theorists argued that whether primordial or constructivism, ethnicity is use as instrument by the leaders or people to achieve a goal.
While instrumentalist acknowledge the important of objective markers of ethnicity such as symbols, custom, language or even appearance, for most of it is behaviour rather than appearance that defines ethnic group. In other words, it is possible to tell a person’s ethnic identity by examining his or her actions and choices.
From an instrumentalist’s perspective, ethnic identities are very similar to social class. They are both forms of social organization that can change over time like class ethnic groups can join together in the political pursuit of their group interest.
We can think of class identities as being important in some circumstances but completely absent from others.
Specifically, in this study, we are concerned with Ezendigbo leadership conflict in Ibadan and the role ethnicity played in this conflict and the multiplier for the country in general. From the forgoing, Instrumentalist theory best described succinctly, how ethnicity was used by the various groups and the stakeholders concerned.
The theoretical framework is very relevant to our work because it helps us to grasp the intricacies and why the oppositions have refused to work in harmony to restore a lasting solution to the conflict.
As we can see vividly how ethnicity was used as an instrument by the contestants to secure their positions,
Chief Alex Anozie who was capitalizing on the perpetuity of his office used the aspect of the Igbo custom which says, an Igwe or Eze cannot emerge while the present Igwe is still alive (on the thrown) and the aspect of their constitution where it was spelt out.
However, Chief Aloy Okwudilichukwu Obi on his own part was using the dissolution of the Ezendigbo in Ibadan by the South East Council of Traditional Rulers’ and their “negative peace” creation.
He also capitalized on the fact that all the Presidents of their various State Chapters of the ICDA were involved.
Chief Oramadike and his own group instrumentally constructed it to mean that they are in another man’s land and for being installed by the Olubadan of Ibadan who is their host traditional ruler, he is the authenticated “Asiwaju” of Igbo people in Ibadan land.
Despite the fact that the three opponents were all from Anambra State, micro ethnicity was also at play. The politics of Anambra north, south and central was also instrumentally applied. Chief Anozie and Chief Obi hail from Igbukwu and Nnewi in Anambra central, while Chief Oramadike is from Ozubulu in Anambra south. To Chief Oramadike, Anambra central has produced majority of the Governors in the state while they only produced only once in the person of Dr Chinwoke Mbadinuju. As at present, the Governor of the state was said to have come from Anambra central.
This phenomenon is predicted on the fact that ethnicity was used as an instrument by both parties to achieve a goal.
Whenever people choose their identities base on their natural attachment or constructed their identities, ethnicity is being used to achieve their goal.
CHAPTER TWO
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
The aim of this review is to summarize the various views that have been expressed in leadership conflict and ethnicity. It is intended that this review would create the bastion for analyzing the Ezendigbo leadership conflict in Ibadan. This review would equally help us to understand the strength of ethnicity in leadership selection.
In most African societies, fierce clashes often result from land disputes especially in south east and south south Nigeria. Conflicts in Nigeria are predominantly inter-group conflict, which has been proved to be more of struggle for the control of resources, means, position, or a clash of interest. In the not too distant past the Tivs and the Jukuns in Plateau state also clashed over land as well as grazing rights in places inhabited by Fulani nomads.
As Onyeaji (2001:143) puts it, “it should not be forgotten that fight, clash, competition, or mutual interference of opposing or incompatible forces qualities (as ideas, interest, wills) as prevalent in many African states is a veritable source of ethnicity. When one takes a closer look at a good number of the crisis, mostly those that have national impact, and understanding the ambivalence characterizing them, and the actual stakes, the outcome would go in agreement with Suberu R.T(1996) and Nnoli(1978)’s opinion wealth that politics (and their consequent conflicts)though blurred, are inter-ethnic socio economic competition. In reality he said, Nigerian politics was the struggle among various factions first to dominate the wealth in their region of origin and, second to use this regional dominance as a springboard for the acquisition of some of the non-regional. In the pursuit of these objectives, these petty bourgeois and comprador bourgeois leaders elicited the support of the various other classes by an appeal to ethnicity. This was why many scholars and analysts think that ethnicity was central to the course of the conflicts in Africa (see Onyaji, 2001;Abdullahi, 2001; Ugbana, 1977)
But since this control was not an end in itself, it was employed in the services of the leaders’ underlying political motivation, the use of political power to achieve interclass economic dominance.
This has been actually the cause of Nigerian conflicts at various corners. The attitude as is witnessed today is not at variance with its position before interdependence and it developed with Nigeria. Nnoli linked it to the regionalisation of the colonial economy with its consequent development of various factors of these privileged classes. That is the reason why most of the conflicts have either inter-ethnic outlook and or intra-ethnic conflict with the support of other ethnic groups.
In analysing leadership conflict, the Strategic Conflict Assessment (S.C.A report 2003:23) stated that political conflicts revolves round the power struggles within the political class, and often involves the manipulation of the people, who are inevitably less informed about the essence of political struggle. As rightly articulated in that report, the elite and the politicians often influence governmental policies for their own selfish purposes. This according to the report is usually done without the consent of the people but creates problems, which on the final note includes and engulfs the people.
The area which the report deviated is that it is not all the time that people are less informed about the essence of the political struggle.
In a similar vein, Okafor,F.U.(1997) and Olawale A.I.(2001) stated that leadership conflict manifested in many forms – within a group of individuals, and when these disagreements occur and could not be controlled within, it transcended into the civil society and will be translated to one form of group political exclusion. The group affected according to them will take up themselves to protect their own frontier- which finally leads to open conflict. At the end of the day, the political class reaps the benefit and the civil populace suffers the trauma of the destruction.
What these scholars fail to acknowledge is that feeling of identities by the civil populace. People are being driven by ethnic interest.
Another scholar that explores the cause of leadership conflict is Sandra F.J (2003) who stated that leaders are quite influential in their ability to promote the interests of championing the interests of a particular ethnic group. He stated that a leader takes up the cause of an ethnic group in order to promote his or her own power, or to achieve a particular agenda.
If this is adopted, what will happen to the case of some true leaders like Ken Saro-wiwa and Nelson Mandela who did not seek for their own interest?
In the word of Ajayi (2004), “ethnicity is a critical part of political identity. It can be formed on the basis of a variety of characteristics from region to religion.” Ethnicity is so critical to political identity because we act politically based on the group which we identify Kolawole (2005). At times groups cease to be content within the political system and begin to agitate for greater group rights. When this happens we say the group has become ethnicity driven. Olufemi (2000) under this circumstance macro conflicts set in.
Gordon (1964) tries to pursue the argument of ethnicity by looking at the the concept of ethnic group. He sees ethnic group as any group which is defined or set off by race, religion or defined origin, or some combination of these categories. This definition is of limitation especially which Nigeria material is under consideration. In Nigeria, the sense of identification with an ethnic group according to Nnoli(1994) is different from what is ethnic race or religious group as far as Nigeria is concerned.
Siebel(1964) and Clignets(1967) used the term ethnic group and tribe synonymously. They see tribe and ethnic group as a category of people who are recognised as distinct group entirely on the basis of social or cultural criteria.
The definition given by Siebel and Clingnets lacks the adequacy of the moderm definition of ethnicity. Stretching this further, how do we explain the incidence of intra-ethnic conflict where people that share the same culture together, end up having ethnic clash or ethnic agitation.
Also, using the term ethnicity and tribalism synonymously, is not ideal. This is because the recent scholars have used the word tribalism to be associated with backwardness. Ojih .I and Ojiakor.N(2000).
In a similar vein, Sanda(1976) and Agyemang.A.(1998) say that ethnic groups consist of interacting members who defined themselves as belonging to a named identified social group with those interests they identified and which manifests certain aspects of a wider society. Sanda, argues closer, by recognizing the fact that the ethnic groups have an identified interest which they pursue. The question here is – how do we marry this with leadership conflict?
This is why some other scholarly interests are of the view that conflict is not just resource allocation disagreement that other idiosyncrasies take portion in the causes. Hobbes(1974) and his group explained that “there are two kinds of conflict; a conflict of interest and a conflict of value or belief”, which includes pure ethnic cleansing.
In Benards(1957)’s monumental study applying sociological orientation, he explained that conflict is as a result of pure clash of interests un-obscured by the irrational passes as the sole explanatory principles by proponents of the “tension” theory of conflict and believed by them to be at the root of every conflict.
Benard’s sociological abstraction is no doubt useful. The danger there is that his views just like another author, Abel (1914), draws notion to the fact that “in no case is the decisions (to use violence) precipated by emotional tension sentimentally, crowd-behaviour or other irrational motivations, this conception, is unacceptable on the bases that emotional perceptions has in the same occasions known to pursue their interest with illegitimate and uncontrolled zeal. These emotions explain the situations where uncontrolled camps and ethnocentrism exists a conflict. Mberu (1999)’s infrastructural sociology explained how superiority attached to one’s ethnic group or culture can cause leadership conflict. He goes further to explain using the Igbos as an ethnic group and having division among them. Mberu pointed out those Igbo societies see some among them as outcast and inferior people. This was also thrown more light on during a lecture delivered by Prof. Chinua Achebe during the last Ohaneze ndigbo annual meeting in Owerri. Achebe who was asking whether ethnic minorities still take place in Igbo communities. He uses the “Osu”, “Wawa”, “Agbenu”, “Akinukwa” among other minority groups in the pre-colonial era as inferior people. According to Achebe, “throughout history, people of various cultural backgrounds, have labelled those of different cultures as salvage, barbaric, primitive, outlandish, inferior’’ etc.
He explained further that extreme ethnocentrism leads to the belief that some people are less than human. Some researchers have pointed out that “we are the best” attitude is also common among organizations, churches, colleges, fraternities, associations and business groups.
On the other hand, from the psychological background, Ugwu(2004) explained leadership conflict by advancing what may be seen more as a fair play rules in respect to dissenting view point to the other extreme. Just as Ocheoha (1997) assents to when he prophesied the relation between psychology and conflict. They by doing this neglected the influence of social structure and pattern. They relied on Freud and his school tremendously in making both analyses. In a condensed form, the concepts of “tension” stereotype” is elucidated. Fiske (1990) specifically denied that nations or societies have “motives” and “intentions” or that aggressiveness of the mere individual makes for conflict. He takes the position concurring with that suggested by Benard (1957) and Brooke (1952) that the individual is in many ways the target of propaganda, emanating from education and the press, which makes him aggressive. When the concepts of aggressiveness, frustration and tension are related to the problem of fear and anxiety and to the problems of mass contagion by excessive fear, these elements of fear and the reaction to threat are usually conceived as pathological and inherently bad. It seems that this be a natural result of the fact that psychoanalysis has been one of early methodological approach to the problem of fear. It has not brought to the fore, the truth that a person without fear or with a defective threat perception is no less abnormal than the person hunted by anxiety, Handy (1994). Whatever is the Origin of this one-selected evaluation of the factor of fear and anxiety, the resulting theories have two main defeats;
(a) They are either assuming that when fear cannot be eliminated, the prospect of peace are nil or
(b) They are looking for ways to eliminate fears instead of seeking to re- channel grasped that fear in the direction of greater sanity.
It has been sufficiently grasped that fears are usually overcome by other fears and that “courage” is not lack of fear but, on the contrary, is related to being afraid of standing aloof from one’s fellowmen.
Discussing about the strength of ethnicity as it affects “Ndigbo”, Chief Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu in his lecture at Liberty Stadium during the Installation of Chief Alex Anozie as “Ezendigbo nala Ibadan”in 2002, urged Ndigbo to put aside all manner of ethnic sentiments among them. He cited Okwudibia Nnoli in his book “ethnic Politics in Nigeria” stated that the issue of who gets what has been and still is the bone of contention that flames ethnic rivalry.
Making a more acceptable submission, Igwe(1997) argued that group conflict arises mostly or essentially as a consequence of the strivings of man, the social being who in the process of promoting some of his objectives, intentionally or unintentionally upset, or direct to negative uses, some of the arrangements that ought to be for the benefit of man. He assets further that inter-group conflicts are therefore, those human conflicts that arise out of negative contradictions, and are as such, irresolvable by peaceful means. This conclusion derives from his argument that unlike natural conflicts which space encounters and which are positive, the human nature ends in serious distribution and therefore negative. Oyediran(1979), Obianyo(1997) and Nwanegbo(2005) summarized ethnicity in Nigeria to involve the identification of Nigeria with the dominant majority or minority ethnic groups, all of which co-exist within the same society which could lead to unequal division is unacceptable and most times negotiation stalemates.
Despite the caudal efforts of the various authors towards the handling of the issue of ethnicity and leadership conflict, there are still some shortcomings in the literature generally. There were no in-depth analyses on the particular or specific roles ethnicity play whenever people gather to choose their leaders. These literatures equally ignored the implications of such roles.
Finally, these gaps in the literature are directly linked to our framework in the sense that whatever reason the people give for their interest whether primordialism, constructivism, the fact is that ethnicity is used as an instrument to achieve a goal. The roles of ethnicity in leadership selection cannot be overemphasized.
Having identified in many ways, what ethnicity could look like when we see or feel it, and having accepted that it is predominant in our present-day societies, we now ask ourselves what and how ethnicity affects leadership selection.
We should in this review answer the question by finding out the strength of ethnicity in leadership selection particularly as it relates to Ezendigbo leadership conflict in Ibadan.
CHAPTER THREE
3.0 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This chapter will deal extensively with main method employed in carrying out this research.
It shall deal with the research design, population of the study, sample and sampling technique, instrument for data collection, validity and reliability of instrument, and method of data analysis and a brief history of Ezendigbo conflict, Ibadan.
3.1 RESEARCH DESIGN
Our research design would be survey research design. This is one in which a group of people or item is studied by collecting and analyzing data from only a few people or items considered to be representative of the entire group. ( Osuala E.C 2005).
3.2 POPULATION OF STUDY
The targeted population comprises all the Igbo communities in Ibadan, Oyo State made up of south east states of the country residing in Ibadan and some part of Igbo speaking parts of Delta State: the Igbo Community Development Association: Abia state, Anambra state, Enugu state, Imo state, Ebonyi state and some part of Igbo speaking communities in Delta state.
3.3 SAMPLE AND SAMPLING TECHNIQUE OF STUDY
The researchers used random sampling technique in selection of the study sample.
The study samples are as follows
45 titled holder members, 28 Town Union executive members (state chapter), 25 executive members of youth’s association, and 12 executive members of the women association.
In all, the study sample is 110 males and females (Adults and Youths)
3.4 SOURCES OF DATA COLLECTION
The sources of data collection used in this work include primary and secondary sources of data.
3.4.1 PRIMARY SOURCE OF DATA
These contain the researcher’s direct account that is obtainable from their observation, questionnaire, interview, direct participants, etc.
(a) Questionnaire:-
This was constructed in such a manner that it provided answers to the questions asked and then received the attention of the respondents. The questions were prepared in consideration of the research questions.
(b) Interview:-
In order to gather first hand information, many oral interviews were held with the three parties concerned (the Ezendigbo group of Chief Anozie Alex, the Asiwaju group of Chief Oramadike,and the Onyendu group of Chief A.O. Obi) and some stakeholders and members of the Igbo communities in Ibadan land.
3.4.2 SECONDARY SOURCE OF DATA
This is information gathered by the researchers, which contains accounts of events by other people which there is no direct involvement of the researchers.
This embraces published and unpublished materials relevant to the research topic, which did aid in provision of a general data to the work.
They include textbooks, periodicals, newspaper and magazines, national archival etc.
They helped corroborate the primary source of data.
3.5 INSTRUMENT FOR DATA COLLECTION
The research instrument used for this study is questionnaire form. The questions were constructed to reflect the research topic and was based on three point rating scale of YES, NO, UNDECIDED.
It is important to note here that the researchers relied more on personal interviews from the stakeholders, top youths functionaries because of the nature of the topic.
3.6 VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY OF INSTRUMENT
To ensure the validity and reliability of the study, the questionnaires were constructed to reflect the research questions.
Moreover, all questions as contained in questionnaires were carefully scrutinised and vetted by the supervisor before they were printed and administered to the respondents.
3.7 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION
The researchers administered the questionnaires to the numerous respondents.
The questionnaire forms were subsequently collected on the spot. For those who could not fill the questionnaire immediately, we allowed them only a day interval. This is to forestall lost and delay in return of the questionnaire and to ensure objectivity from the respondents.
3.8 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS
The information obtained from the respondents shall be organise as follows,
There shall be a table drawn for the research questions with their optional answers, the tally with the frequency distribution shall be work out thus: the total number of frequency and multiplying the quotient by 100 did the calculation.
3.1.1 Brief History of Ezendigbo Leadership Conflict in Ibadan
The Ezeship position in the eyes of storm
This is the position that generated all the controversies, hatred, ethnic agitation, no love and division among the Igbo people in Ibadan, Oyo state.
In fact, most ethnic conflicts in Africa can be attributed to leadership disputes.
Oral tradition suggests that as the twentieth century progressed and Government influence increased on traditional rulers, conflicts over traditional leaders become more frequent. Thus, the one elderly statesman at Dugbe in Ibadan stated;
“The conflicts were mostly over leadership positions. We were told that in the early days, there were few people in the clan, and there was no influence or benefits from the Government. There had no need to quarrel over leadership. When this generation spring up, there was governmental Influence and the traditional rulers began to have some benefits from the governments, the people began also to develop interest and compete for such position”
The intriguing thing about the Ezendigbo in question is that it is an avenue to be closer to the Government (host Government and their home government).
According to Nwankwo (2008) in his article titled: A threat to brotherhood in Igbo land, the conflict started after few years of Chief Alex Anozie emerged as the Ezendigbo nala Ibadan by a consensus election. During our interview, it was gathered that only three candidates contested at the election that ushered in Chief Anozie in as the Ezendigbo. For the sake of love and brotherhood, the second candidate with second position was given the “Osoteze” (second in command) while the third candidate was given the Prime minister of the Palace.
At a point, there was opposition, some other people wanted him dethrone having not be happy with him any longer. Thirteen (13) court cases were said to have been sued against Chief Anozie and his Cabinets of which according to a source were futile.
Chief Dr James Oramadike (aka Oxygen) who had earlier purchased the title of “Asiwaju” from Olubadan, went and formed another association called Igbo Community development association (ICDA) which Chief A.O Obi was said to be part of. As at then, there were only two oppositions (Groups).
However, Chief A.O. Obi who was following Chief Oramadike, along the line decamped to form another association called Igbo General Assembly (IGA) having felt he has created enough awareness.
The Igbo General Assembly is made up of the meetings of the various State chapters of the Igbo Communities Association Ibadan. The various States President whom Chief Anozie said he encouraged their formation and whose Presidents were working with him before they joined Chief Obi which their series of meetings metamorphosed into what is today the Igbo General Assembly. This led to the creation of the third party/opposition within the same macro ethnic group of Igbo Communities in Ibadan, Oyo State.
3.1.2 SOUTH EAST COUNCIL OF TRADITIONAL RULERS ANGLE ON THE CONFLICT
This was the body comprising of all the Traditional Rulers of various communities in the five Igbo speaking States of the South East( Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo). As the elders, when the tension was high in the Ezendigbo conflict here in Ibadan, they came for intervention so as to restore peace. They gathered the three parties involved for peace making. Although, prior to that time, there was a conflict between the council of the Traditional Rulers(the Paramount Chiefs).The Paramount Chiefs were no longer comfortable with the name Ezendigbo. To them, the title Ezendigbo was becoming so powerful of which the Ezendigbo was becoming so superior or recognized. Thus having the same authority with them.
They summoned the various states Ezendigbo outside the Igbo land and changed their names / title to “Onye ndu or “Onye isi”.
However, the delegates of the traditional rulers during their intervention in Ibadan, were supposed to organised a peace meeting and should have equally based on the existing structure as said by one of our respondents, became aligned to one of the groups.
This led to the formation of the IGA and the same group of traditional rulers were said to have come back later to crown Chief Obi. The Installation of Chief Obi as Onye ndu ndigbo was seen as a political deception because in a confirmation letter issued to him by the same council, Chief Obi was given some conditions (copy attached) which include the following;
- That He must not bear the Title/nomenclature His Royal Highness, Obi, Eze, Igwe or any other title that will suggest/assumed his position to be known, seen or regarded as traditional Ruler.
- That he must not confer any chieftaincy title on anybody or group of people within or outside Igbo land irrespective of origin, class, religion and sex.
- That He must not function with any cabinet structure/member or any designated places as offices to be known or called palace.
- That he must not organise any known Igbo cultural festival for example Iri ji or such other festivals etc.
Source: Vanguard Newspaper 15th July 2010
Moreover, the south East council of traditional rulers instead of maintaining a neutral ground, created what was seen as negative peace which escalated the conflict to the level it is today. We gathered that about 25 court cases have been held on this issue of which the last sitting took place on 9th June 2011.
Shadow Party Influence on the Conflict
By shadow party, we mean those people that have relationship directly or indirectly with primary and secondary parties but they hide their stands because they would not want people to know that they play a part in the problem /conflict.
The shadow parties have a powerful interest on the issue or problem.
In the Ezendigbo leadership conflict, Ibadan, they following shallow parties played several roles.
(1) Chief Dr. Chukwuemeka Ojukwu ( Eze Igbo Gburugburu)
Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu is a highly respected personality as far as Igbo communities are concerned. The Biafran war-lord who was conferred with the title of Ezeigbo Gburugburu plays a significant role in the affairs of Igbo politically, traditionally and otherwise.
This is without doubt that during any political contest, any person/candidate being raised his/her hand by Chief Ojukwu is presumed to be the right candidate (APGA National Convention 2010). According to Obikeze and Obi (2010), the present Governor of Anambra State, Mr Peter Obi was massively voted in because his hand was raised by Chief Ojukwu.
However, in the Ezendigbo leadership conflict, the researches gathered that Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu also raised both the hands of Chief Anozie and Chief Oramadike during their inaugurations as the “Ezendigbo” and “Asiwaju” of Igbo in Ibadan land.
(2) Olubadan of Ibadan Land
Olubadan of Ibadan is the traditional leader (father)) of Ibadan land. As the host traditional father, Olubadan also played a significant role in the conflict.
His conferment of the “Asiwaju” to chief Oramadike without the due consultation of Ndigbo also has a significant role. The same Olubadan was also in attendant (and in support during the inauguration ceremony of the leadership of Anozie as the Ezendigbo and Chief A.O.Obi as “Onyendu”.
(3) The Oyo State Government
As the host government, the government of Oyo state also played a role in the conflict. This is because, Ndigbo is said to be contributing up to 40% of the population of Oyo state (Akala Campaign speech).
During the conflict, the state Government maintained a neutral ground. Though, he acknowledged the existence of the three parties. A source says during the last National Census of 2006, the then State Government gave each group a huge some so as to mobilize their groups and encourage them not to travel home for the enumeration.
Also, our respondents say the three parties were invited together by the State Government during the just conclude general election 2011 and urged them for the Igbo’s support irrespective of their differences for the continuity of the present administration.
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
The analysis of data results being presented in this research is based on the research questions. The researchers analysed the data collected using table.
The following tables show the data analysis for the work.
Treatment of Research question
Research question one (1)
Is there ethnic sentiment in leadership selection?
The responses are being presented in the table below.
Table 1.1.
| Responses | Frequencies | Percentage |
| Yes | 85 | 82% |
| No | 17 | 15% |
| Undecided | 8 | 3% |
| Total | 110 | 100% |
The table above shows the respondents view on ethnic sentiment in leadership selection. The question was put across to determine whether there is ethnic sentiment in leadership selection. The responses are as follows; 85 respondents which represent 82% of the total respondent agreed that there is ethnic sentiment in leadership selection, 17 respondents, which represent 15% of the total respondents, said no, while 8 which represent 3% of the total respondents were undecided.
This shows that there is ethnic sentiment in leadership selection.
Research question two (2)
Do shallow parties have influence on ethnic conflict?
The responses are as follows.
Table 1.2
.
| Responses | Frequencies | Percentage |
| Yes | 79 | 79% |
| No | 25 | 16% |
| Undecided | 6 | 5% |
| Total | 110 | 100% |
From the frequency distribution table, a total of 25 respondents, which represents 16% of the total respondents were of the view shallow parties does not have any influence on ethnic conflict, 6 respondents which represents 5% were undecided while 79 respondents which represents 79% of the total respondents agreed that shallow parties have a great influence in ethnic conflict.
This indicated that shadow parties have a great influence in ethnic conflict.
This is without doubt, that in the conflict, some shadow parties or actors played a significant role which had a great impact in the conflict.
Research Question three (3)
Can ethnic agitation be found among brotherhood?
The following table shows the responses.
Table 1.3
.
| Responses | Frequencies | Percentage |
| Yes | 80 | 78% |
| No | 20 | 18% |
| Undecided | 10 | 4% |
| Total | 110 | 100% |
From the table above, the respondents that choose the option yes were 80 which represents 78% of the total respondents, 20 respondents which represents 18% says no while the remaining 4 respondents which represents 4% of the total respondents were undecided.
This in no doubt indicated that ethnic agitation can be found in any group of people, irrespective of the relationship.
In the Ezendigbo conflict, Ibadan, the three conflicting opponents were said to hail from Anambra State respectively; there was disagreement, differences, agitation, etc, among them.
Research Question Four (4)
Can political contest be frame in ethnic term?
From the question above, the following responses were gotten from our respondents.
. Table 1.4
| Responses | Frequencies | Percentage |
| Yes | 90 | 88% |
| No | 20 | 12% |
| Undecided | 0 | 0% |
| Total | 60 | 100% |
From the frequency distribution table above, a total number of 90 respondents which represents 88% were of the view that political contest can be frame in ethnic term, 20 respondents which represents 12% of the total respondents disagree that political contest can be frame in ethnic term, while no respondent was undecided on the issues.
It was purely clear that political contest can be frame in ethnic term. This was greatly used in the conflict. According to one of our respondents, the three candidates hail from Anambra state, the politics of Anambra north, south and central senatorial zones were employed by one of the candidate.
Effects of Leadership Conflict to the society
It was said that when two elephants are fighting, it is the grass that suffers the most. The effects of leadership conflict to the society cannot be over-emphasized. There are several effects. These are listed below. Besides this, it must be mentioned that these factors are to be seen as negative factors. This means that not every leadership conflict has such effects; on the other hand, nearly every case of leadership conflict has one or a combination of several of these points below.
Anderson summarised the negative effects of leadership conflict to the society as follows.
- Lack of progress and development
- Division and no unity
- Lack of love, Peace and harmony
- Loss of reputation and regards by the followers
- Lack of trust by the members of the societies
CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
In the course of this study, we come to find the effects of ethnicity on leadership conflict.
Firstly, there is ethnic sentiment in leadership selection.
Secondly, leadership selection takes ethnic dimension and does not always base on merit principle.
Thirdly, ethnic agitation can be found in any class of people or group of people irrespective of relation.
Lastly, political contest can be frame in ethnic term. Leaders take ethnicity to achieve their political goal.
5.1 CONCLUSION
Ethnicity and its extreme dimension, conflicts are as old as mankind, and have survived the merciless tide of change and modernization. In the earliest days, or ordinary revolutionary pontifications by charismatic leaders, for example was enough inducement to leadership conflict.
In modern times, leadership crisis and other related conflicts have been flourishing. Hence, first and second world war that claimed above 30 million lives was clothed in leadership crisis. It was as a result of leadership contest that Hitler of Germany and Idia Min of Uganda, Abacha of Nigeria claimed so many lives.
There are so many cases of communal unrest in Africa today as a result of leadership conflict. The case of Libya, Ivory Coast and Sudan have proven the strength of ethnicity over leadership selection. Ethnicity plays a very major role especially in leadership selection. This could be as a political struggle.
However, conflicts in Nigeria are predominantly inter group conflicts which have been proved to be more of struggle for the control of resources and means.
Of course, as Ajayi(2000:96) puts it, it should not be forgotten that extreme poverty as prevalent in many African states is a veritable source of civil strife. When one takes a closer look at a good number of crisis, mostly those that have national impact, and understanding the ambivalence characterizing them, and the actual stakes, the outcome would go in agreement with Nnoli(1978)’s opinion that politics (and their consequent conflicts) though blurred, are inter-ethnic socio-economic competition. In reality, he said, Nigerian politics was the struggle among various factions first to dominate the wealth in their region of origin and second to use their regional dominance as a spring board acquisition of some of the non-regional wealth.
In pursuit of these objectives, these petty bourgeois and comprador bourgeois leaders elicited the support of the various other classes by an appeal to ethnicity.
5.2 RECOMMENDATIONS
This research would not be complete, if we do proffer solution or ways that would be useful in arresting this cankerworm called ethnicity especially as it affects leadership selection.
It is our hope that these recommendations if prudently adopted would go a long way in solving leadership conflicts/crisis within the administrative system on the other hand, and making Nigeria poised for continued and meaningful national development.
(1) Efforts should be made by the government to promote civic nationalism (consciousness) than ethnic consciousness. For instance, people should be encouraged to pay loyalty to the state not to their ethnic groups. Like in the united state where the citizens pay loyalty to the state.
(2) Third party intervention into conflicts should be based on neutrality and impartiality so as to litigate the conflict other than escalating it like shadow parties influences as seen in the Ezendigbo leadership conflict.
(3) Leadership selection should be based on meritocracy other than ethnic sentiments. This will help to bring the best of leadership into the societies.
(4) Leadership conflict should be resolved within the group in question and public opinion (majority) should prevail. Politics should not be seen as a do or die affair.
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APPENDIX
University of Ibadan
Institute of African Studies
Department of Peace and Conflict Studies
Section A: Background information
Educational Background: S C E ( ) N C E( ) B ED/ B.A( ) M.A / B.ED ( ) P HD ( )
Age: 25-30( ) 31-44 ( ) 45 & above ( )
Religion: Christianity ( ) Muslim ( ) Others ( )
State of Origin
Section B: Other Information
(1) Is there more than one Ethnic group in your Association? Yes( ) No ( ) Undecided( )
(2) Agitation or conflict is traceable to ethnic sentiment? Yes( ) No( ) Undecided( )
(3) Leadership selection/election in the past has always been peaceful. Yes ( ) No( ) Undecided( )
(4) Political contest can be liked to ethnic term. Yes( ) No( ) Undecided( )
(5) If I am to vote, I will vote the person from my clan. Yes( ) No( ) Undecided ( )
(6) Merit is taken into consideration than ethnicity in selecting leaders. Yes( ) No( ) Undecided( )
(7) Do the other traditional rulers in Igbo speaking state know about the conflict? Yes( ) No( ) Undecided( )
(8) If yes, have they intervened? Yes( ) No( ) Undecided( )
(9) Was there room for people to contest for the Igwe position? Yes( ) No( ) Undecided( )
(10) Was there disagreement among the contestants after the election? Yes( ) No( ) Undecided( )
(11) Was the matter tried in the law court Yes( ) No( ) Undecided( )
(12) Contestants into the leadership post work harmoniously after the election Yes( ) No( ) Undecided( )
(13) The conflict reduced the level of brotherliness among the Igbos in Ibadan. Yes( ) No( ) Undecided( )
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